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One-time VP Dick Cheney: A Retrospective on His Powerful Government Service

The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential incumbents of that office in American history. Although countless VPs were limited to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney held huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly called as the "real president".

Bush disliked this portrayal and said the dynamic was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a broad range of policy decisions.

A Aftermath of 9/11

At the head of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the shooting down of any unidentified airplanes nearing the government building.

Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.

Debated Decisions

He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading reports repeated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance today."

However during that period, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and unaccountability: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and corruption."

Wider Perspective

Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had drafted a memo detailing scenarios in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning military moves against Iraq.

Bush additionally had assumed the presidency vaguely intent on carrying out what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.

Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to walk over.

Investigation Approaches

But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind striking Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were both weak or entirely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "advanced techniques", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.

Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."

Public Image

Cheney enjoyed nicknames imposed on him by critics such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a dark force controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his domain? It's a nice way to function, actually."

Corporate Connections

Dispute over his commercial relationships accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in business but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.

In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US agreements worth substantial sums.

It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the company grew from his quarter-million dollars while Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty

By

Adam Johnson

Award-winning photographer specializing in landscape and portrait photography, with over a decade of experience capturing moments across the globe.

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